Heinz Blatz, "Lagina, Quarnea, Silbea, Potamia und eine Göttertrias? Die Inschrift SEG 49,1706 und das städtische Umfeld der Gemeinde von Thyatira," 5-33
The contribution surveys, translates and examines the inscription SEG 49,1706. This epigraphic source, which is a testimony from the Augustan period, provides an insight into the environment of the city of Thyatira – the panorama of gods and local structures. Moreover, SEG 49,1706 also bears witness to a beginning emperor worship that is integrated into the religious, political and economic structures of the city. The urban environment of the assembly of Thyatira, e. g. accessibly through the epigraphic source, sheds new light on the texts of the book of Revelation.
Hans Förster, "Antijüdische Polemik oder innerjüdischer Diskurs? Eine kritische Lektüre der Zinsgroschenperikope (Lk 20,20-26) in der Version der revidierten Einheitsübersetzung," 35-54
The article presents an analysis of the Lukan version of the question whether it is allowed to pay taxes to the emperor. The analysis shows that the translation could be far less anti-Jewish/ anti-Semitic. It appears that problematic translational choices have been supported by widely used theological dictionaries.
Christoph Niemand, "Das Osterkerygma als Ansage der Heilszeit: Grundelemente der urkirchlichen Eschatologie und ihre Wiedergabe in den Verkündigungsreden von Apg 2 und 3," 55-123
This essay retraces the framework of early Christian eschatology as based on the message of Jesus’ resurrection. This is done by analysing the New Testament resurrection formula “God raised him/Jesus from the dead”. This primary eschatology, is it still visible in the first speeches of Peter that we read in Acts 2,14-42 (preaching at pentecost) and 3,12-26 (preaching in the temple)?
A close reading of these two texts shows Luke remaining within the parameters of early Christian eschatology but nonetheless setting his own strong accents. In the pentecost speech there is missing the pivotal statement that the final “day of the Lord” would be no else but the day of Jesus Christ’s parousia. The speech in the temple uses a lot of early Jewish apocalyptical materials whose adaption to early Christian eschatological standards is strikingly scarce. In terms of reception aesthetics this invites to ask which effects the lack of parousia in Acts 2 and the archaisms in Acts 3 might have (had) in the minds of ancient (and modern) readers who were (or are) familiar with early Christian mainstream eschatology.
Wilhelm Pratscher, "Hegesipp: Leben – Werk – Bedeutung," 125-162
Only fragments of Hegesippus’ Hypomnemata have been preserved, mainly in the work of Eusebius, who desribes him as a theologian interested in the mainline church. According to Eusebius, Hegesippus travels to Rome from the eastern parts of the Empire in the course of the self-discovery process of the church in the 2nd century and drafts the chain of tradition and succession of the Roman community at the time of the Roman bishop Anicetus. In addition to this, his information about the early history of the Jewish Christians is highly interesting. His lack of knowledge of early Judaism allows us to assume, that Hegesippus was a Gentile Christian.
Karl Matthias Schmidt, "Rendezvous mit dem Kammerdiener: Indizien für eine verdeckte Anspielung auf den Tod Domitians in Apg 12,20," 163-202
The mentioning of the chamberlain Blastos in Acts 12:20 can be understood as a reference to the murder of Domitian (96 A.D.) with support of his chamberlain Parthenius, if Act 12:20–24 is interpreted in the light of the criticism of the emperor’s foreign and domestic policy. In the eyes of some contemporaries, this policy designated Domitian as a Nero novus. By shaping Agrippa’s appearance the author of Acts satirized Nero and Domitian for questioning the Roman emperor and his veneration.
Karoline Totsche, "Mt 7,4b und verwandte Formulierungen im Lichte der nordwestsemitischen Nominalsatzsyntax," 203-214
This essay will contribute to the discussion regarding the Semitic background of some parts of the New Testament by examining a syntactic phenomenon which, until now, has been unremarked by New Testament studies. The theoretical background is the nominal-clause theory developed by Diethelm Michel and its continuation by his students. Based on Matt 7,4b, the key-phrase to this research, it will be shown that this phrase as well as some further related phrases (Matt 24,23; Luke 22,21; Acts 5,9; 13,11; Rev 21,3, but none in Mark, John or in the Letters) adhere to a specific pattern of Northwest Semitic nominal clauses: namely a nominal-clause with two definite core constituents with the word order Mubtada (M)–Chabar (Ch) after הנה) cf. e. g. Gen 16,6).