Από την ιέρεια των Σεβαστών στον Λόγο του κατά Ιωάννη: ένα μνημείο της Φασηλίδας και οι μεταμορφώσεις του / From the priestess of the Sebastoi to John's Logos: a monument from Phaselis and its transformations

 Ένα πρόσφατα δημοσιευμένο επιγραφικό εύρημα από τη Φασηλίδα της Λυκίας προσφέρει ένα εξαιρετικά διδακτικό παράδειγμα για το πώς το ίδιο μνημείο επαναχρησιμοποιείται σε διαφορετικές θρησκευτικές και ιδεολογικές συνάφειες και σε διαφορετικές ιστορικές στιγμές.

Στην αρχική του χρήση (2^ος αι. μ.Χ.) το μνημείο ήταν μία βάση από ασβεστόλιθο που έφερε τιμητική επιγραφή για την Αυρήλια Απφία, μέλος της τοπικής αριστοκρατίας, η οποία τιμήθηκε ως ἱέρεια τῶν θεῶν Σεβαστῶν και ως ευεργέτις της πόλης. Η Απφία χαρακτηρίζεται ως «ἀξιολογοτάτη γυναῖκα σώφρων καὶ φιλότεκνος καὶ φίλανδρος … καὶ πρώτη τῆς πόλεως», τίτλοι που δηλώνουν προφανώς την επιφανή θέση της ως μέλους της τοπικής αριστοκρατίας. Η τιμώμενη είναι γνωστή κι από δύο άλλα επιγραφικά μνημεία της πόλης, όπου συνδέεται με τη θέσπιση του Παλλαδείου αγώνος κι ένα χρηματικό έπαθλο για τους νικητές των αγώνων πάλης. Στη νέα επιγραφή προστίθεται ένα ακόμη στοιχείο στο βιογραφικό της, εκείνο της ιέρειας της αυτοκρατορικής λατρείας. Πρόκειται για ένα αξίωμα ιδιαίτερα σημαντικό για τις επιφανείς γυναίκες των πόλεων της Μ. Ασίας, που της προσέδιδε κύρος και αναγνωρισιμότητα στις τοπικές κοινωνίες και τις συνέδεε άμεσα με την αυτοκρατορική λατρεία και το ρωμαϊκό κέντρο εξουσίας. Θα πρέπει εδώ να θυμηθούμε και την αναφορά των Πράξεων τόσο σε ευσχήμονες γυναίκες στο ακροατήριο του Παύλου στην Αντιόχεια της Πισιδίας (Πραξ 13:50) όσο και σε πρώτες γυναίκες της πόλης στη συναγωγή της Θεσσαλονίκης (Πραξ 17:4). Και στις δύο περιπτώσεις, η αναφορά τους ως αποδέκτες του ευαγγελίου αποτελεί θετικό στοιχείο της διάδοσης και αποδοχής του ευαγγελίου. Κι εκείνες όπως κι η Απφία της Φασηλίδας ήταν πρόσωπα με κύρος και επιρροή μέσα στις πόλεις τους κι επομένως η αποδοχή από μέρους τους του ευαγγελίου συνέβαλλε στην εδραίωση και την στήριξη της νέας πίστης στη δύσκολη αυτή αρχική φάση μέσα στις τοπικές κοινωνίες των πόλεων της Ανατολής.

Σε μεταγενέστερη φάση, ωστόσο, το μνημείο υφίσταται μια σκόπιμη μεταμόρφωση. Η αρχική λαξευμένη επιγραφή καλύπτεται με στρώμα ασβεστοκονιάματος (intonaco) και επιχρωματισμένη επιφάνεια, σε tabula ansata γράφονται (dipinto) δύο στίχοι από τον Πρόλογο του κατά Ιωάννην (Ιω 1:1 και 1:3) [Για ένα μαγικό φυλακτό με τους ίδιους στίχους από το Ιω, βλ. P.Oxy. VIII 1151]. Η χρονολόγηση αυτής της φάσης τοποθετείται όχι νωρίτερα από τον 5ο αι. μ.Χ., στο πλαίσιο της χριστιανικής ύστερης αρχαιότητας. Το μνημείο έχει μάλλον αποτροπαϊκό ή λατρευτικό χαρακτήρα. Σε κάθε περίπτωση, η εκ νέου χρήση παλαιότερων μνημείων από τους Χριστιανούς σε νέα όμως πλαίσια ήταν συνηθισμένη στη Μ. Ασία (βλ. παραδείγματα από Έφεσο, Αφροδισιάδα ή Σαγάλασσο). Κατά την εκτίμηση των ειδικών το μνημείο στη δεύτερή του χρήση πρέπει να χρησιμοποιήθηκε ως αρχιτεκτονικό μέλος σε κάποιο χριστιανικό ναό χωρίς όμως αυτό να μπορεί να ταυτοποιηθεί (σε μία τρίτη φάση, κατά την ύστερη αρχαιότητα, μάλλον αξιοποιήθηκε ως οικοδομικό υλικό στην οχύρωση της ακρόπολης).

Η αξία του συγκεκριμένου ευρήματος βρίσκεται στο ότι μας επιτρέπει να παρακολουθήσουμε πώς ο κόσμος της ΚΔ επανεγγράφεται υλικά στον δημόσιο χώρο. Το ίδιο μνημείο που κάποτε πρόβαλλε τη σχέση πόλης–αυτοκράτορα–θεών, μετατρέπεται σε μέσο μιας θεολογικής δήλωσης που βρίσκεται στον πυρήνα της ιωάννειας χριστολογίας.

Ιδιαίτερη σημασία έχει επίσης η επιλογή του ίδιου του κειμένου: οι πρώτοι αυτοί στίχοι του κατά Ιωάννην είναι μία πυκνή κοσμολογική και θεολογική διακήρυξη. Εκεί όπου η προηγούμενη επιγραφή μιλούσε για την ευσέβεια προς τους Σεβαστούς, το dipinto διακηρύσσει τον Λόγο κι ότι πάντα δι’ αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο. Η αντικατάσταση δεν είναι απλώς αισθητική· είναι συμβολική και ιδεολογική. Επιπλέον, όπως ήδη αναφέρθηκε, η χρήση του σε αντικείμενα με αποτροπαϊκό και μαγικό χαρακτήρα είναι γνωστή (βλ. Craig A. Evans, “Mark’s Incipit in Early Amulets and the Question of Its Original Reading,” στο Themes and Texts, Exodus and Beyond: Essays in Honour of Larry J. Perkins. London .2024, 202 κι εξ.).

Το μνημείο της Φασηλίδας, λοιπόν, όπως κι άλλα παρόμοια μνημεία από τη Μ. Ασία,  λειτουργεί ως μικρογραφία μιας ευρύτερης ιστορικής διαδικασίας: της μετάβασης από τον θρησκευτικό λόγο της ρωμαϊκής πόλης στον χριστιανικό λόγο της ύστερης αρχαιότητας. Και ακριβώς γι’ αυτό, παρότι το χριστιανικό στρώμα είναι μεταγενέστερο, το εύρημα φωτίζει ουσιαστικά τον κόσμο μέσα στον οποίο γεννήθηκε η Καινή Διαθήκη — και τον τρόπο με τον οποίο αυτός ο κόσμος μετασχηματίστηκε.

Murat Arslan -  Nihal Tüner Önen, “Three New Inscriptions from Phaselis: An Imperial Dedication, an Honorific Inscriptionfor Aurelia Apphia, and Christian Dipinto,” Libri 11 (2025): 267-277

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A recently published epigraphic find from Phaselis in Lycia offers an exceptionally instructive example of how the same monument is reused in different religious and ideological contexts and at different historical moments.

In its original use (2nd century CE), the monument was a limestone base bearing an honorific inscription for Aurelia Apphia, a member of the local aristocracy, who was honored as priestess of the divine Augusti (ἱέρεια τῶν θεῶν Σεβαστῶν) and as benefactress of the city. Apphia is characterized as "a most distinguished woman, prudent, fond of her children and devoted to her husband... and foremost lady of the city," titles that clearly indicate her prominent position as a member of the local aristocracy. The honorand is also known from two other epigraphic monuments from the city, where she is associated with the establishment of the Palladeios Agon and a monetary prize for the winners of the wrestling competitions. The new inscription adds another element to her biography: that of the priestess of the imperial cult. This was a particularly important office for prominent women in the cities of Asia Minor, conferring prestige and recognition within local communities and connecting them directly with the imperial cult and the Roman center of power. We should recall here the reference in Acts both to prominent women in Paul's audience in Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13:50) and to leading women of the city in the synagogue of Thessalonica (Acts 17:4). In both cases, their mention as recipients of the gospel constitutes a positive element in the spread and acceptance of the gospel. They, like Apphia of Phaselis, were persons of prestige and influence within their cities, and therefore their acceptance of the gospel contributed to the establishment and support of the new faith during this difficult initial phase within the local communities of the cities of the East.

In a later phase, however, the monument underwent a deliberate transformation. The original carved inscription was covered with a layer of lime plaster (intonaco) and painted surface; within a tabula ansata were written (dipinto) two verses from the Prologue of John's Gospel (John 1:1 and 1:3) [For a magical amulet with the same verses from John, see P.Oxy. VIII 1151]. The dating of this phase is placed no earlier than the 5th century CE, within the context of Christian Late Antiquity. The monument probably had an apotropaic or cultic character. In any case, the reuse of earlier monuments by Christians in new contexts was common in Asia Minor (see examples from Ephesus, Aphrodisias, or Sagalassos). According to specialists' assessment, in its second use the monument must have been employed as an architectural element in some Christian church, though this cannot be identified (in a third phase, during Late Antiquity, it was probably utilized as building material in the fortification of the acropolis).

The value of this particular find lies in allowing us to observe how the world of the New Testament is materially re-inscribed in public space. The same monument that once projected the relationship of city–emperor–gods is transformed into a vehicle for a theological statement at the core of Johannine Christology.

The choice of the text itself is also of particular significance: these opening verses of John's Gospel are a dense cosmological and theological declaration. Where the previous inscription spoke of piety toward the Augusti, the dipinto proclaims the Word and that all things came into being through him (πάντα δι' αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο). The replacement is not merely aesthetic; it is symbolic and ideological. Moreover, as already mentioned, its use on objects with apotropaic and magical character is well known (see Craig A. Evans, "Mark's Incipit in Early Amulets and the Question of Its Original Reading," in Themes and Texts, Exodus and Beyond: Essays in Honour of Larry J. Perkins. London 2024, 202ff.).

The monument from Phaselis, then, like other similar monuments from Asia Minor, functions as a microcosm of a broader historical process: the transition from the religious discourse of the Roman city to the Christian discourse of Late Antiquity. And precisely for this reason, although the Christian layer is later, the find substantially illuminates the world in which the New Testament was born—and the way in which that world was transformed.

Murat Arslan - Nihal Tüner Önen, "Three New Inscriptions from Phaselis: An Imperial Dedication, anHonorific Inscription for Aurelia Apphia, and Christian Dipinto," Libri 11 (2025): 267-277

Στο τρέχον τεύχος του BTB / In the current issue of BTB

 Biblical Theology Bulletin 52/2/ (2022)

• Robert Gnuse, "The Covenant with Noah in Genesis 9," 68-76 (abstract)
• Rowland Onyenali, "The Markan Proskuneo (Mark 5:6; 15:19) as Anti-Roman Motif in Mark’s Gospel," 77-87 (abstract)
• June F. Dickie, "Older Persons in Biblical Texts: Using Modern Gerontological Theories to Cast Light and Raise Questions on Four Older Persons in Luke 2," 88-98 (abstract)
• Sin Pan Ho, "Changes in the Centurion on Paul’s Last Journey to Rome in Acts 27," 99-110 (abstract)
• Benjamin J. Burkholder, "The Kingdom of Jesus and Atonement Theology: Friends or Foes?"111-120 (abstract)

Το τρέχον τεύχος του JSJ / The current issue of JSJ

 Journal for the Study of Judaism 52/2 (2021)

• Noah Kaye, "Purity and Property at Gezer: The Commons in a Second Temple Town," 159–196 (abstract)
• Anthony Giambrone, "The Coins of Philip the Tetrarch and the Imperial Cult: A View from Paneas on the Fall of Sejanus," 197–227 (abstract)
• Hallel Baitner, "Levitical Singers in Rabbinic Sources: Echoes of an Ancient Dispute," 228–256
• Avraham Yoskovich, "The 'Elephant Mosaic' Panel from the Huqoq Synagogue: Ehud Ben Gera in Jewish-Galilean Traditions," 257–278 (abstract) 

Το τρέχον τεύχος του SNTU / The current issue of SNTU

 Studien zum Neuen Testament und seiner Umwelt 44-45 (2019-20)

Veronika Burz-Tropper, "Philonische Gottesvorstellungen als ein Kontext der johanneischen Theo-Logie?" 5-32

There are so far hardly any considerations concerning philonic influence on the Johannine theo-logy, i.e. the idea of God. Therefore, it is the goal of this article, to give a – mainly textbased – insight into the – not at all simple – conceptions of God of Philo of Alexandria and to give a brief insight into my view of the Johannine theo-logy. In a conclusion, it should be possible to ask whether and to what extent the philonic conceptions of God can be regarded as a context of Johannine theo-logy.

Hans Förster, "Bleibt alle vor Gott, worin ihr berufen seid? Philologische Überlegungen zu 1 Kor 7,24 im Kontext," 33-56

One verse from the first letter to the Corinthians (1 Cor 7:21) is in its Greek way of phrasing the basis for two contrary and inconsolable translations. The discussion has so far focussed on the philological problems of 1 Cor 7:21. It had escaped notice that the punctuation of 1 Cor 7:16 and 17 in New Testament editions is producing a syntactically highly troubled text. The Vulgate’s punctuation has been used by Erasmus’ edition of the New Testament and found its way into the editions of Novum Testamentum Graece where it was kept up to the 28th edition. A syntactically correct punctuation in 1 Cor 7:16.17 is the basis of a new and improved translation of the entire passage (1 Cor 7:17-24). This makes an interpretation possible which shows that central topics of Pauline theology are dealt with here.

Katja Hess, "Das matthäische Vaterunser (Mt 6,9-13): Ein Kompendium jesuanischer Gotteslehre und Ethik," 57-80

The article deals with the Lord՚s Prayer according to Matthew (Mt 6:9-13). It shows that Matthew has a specific interest in understanding the Lord՚s Prayer not only as a prayer of supplication, in which all concerns can be confidently addressed to the Heavenly Father, who knows what we need (cf. Mt 6:32). Rather, this prayer of supplication is also connected with an adequate human response in the sense of a responsorial ethics. A synoptic comparison with the parallel passage found in the Gospel of Luke (Lk 11:2c-4) not only reveals differences in scope and wording, but also different forms of contextualization, which suggests specific editorial interests. The position of the Lord՚s Prayer at the center of the Sermon on the Mount and the consideration of inner-textual references within the Gospel of Matthew when analyzing the individual components of the Lord՚s Prayer confirm the thesis that Matthew wanted to refer to the Prayer’s ethical aspects as well as its supplicatory character. Therefore, the Lord՚s Prayer according to Matthew can be described as a compendium of Jesus՚s teaching of God and of his ethics.

Karl Matthias Schmidt, "Benjamin und sein Bruder. Die lukanische Konturierung pharisäischer Selbstgewissheit in Lk 15,11-32," 81-140

The contribution at hand, which leans on prior research, interprets the Parable of the Prodigal Son as the Evangelist’s creation. The spread of both male and female versions of various parables is indicative of Lk 15:11-32 having been added to Lk 15:4-10. However, in Lk 15:11-32 motifs appear to be borrowed from the schools of rhetoric and declamation, and an adaptation of the Greek story of Joseph is featured, all of which renders plausible that the parable originated in the Greco-Roman domain. Against this backdrop, and factoring in the cross-linking of the parable within the gospel, it makes sense that Luke is the originator of the text. This thesis holds even if considering the possibility that Matthew uses the Gospel of Luke.

Dominik Stockinger / Christoph Niemand, "Analysing New Testament Parables Informed by Theories of Imagination," 141-160

This article comprises the substance of a proposed research project currently in the process of review and assessment. Its main idea is that the analysis and exposition of New Testament parables will substantially profit from an interdisciplinary effort adopting theoretical concepts of imagination theory and related practical tools (as employed in various therapeutic approaches). If informed by theory of imagination the established canon of exegetical methods may bring forth a specific understanding of why and how Jesus’ parables are able to affect and alter their recipients’ moral values and social habits in thinking and acting.

Thomas Witulski, "Christus, die sieben Sterne und die sieben „Gemeindeengel“: Zeitgeschichtliche Bemerkungen zu einer Motivdisposition in Offb 1,20; 2f.," 161-204

Especially numismatic evidence leads to the plausible assumption that the author of Revelation drew the image of the ἑπτὰ ἀστέρες from the iconographic pool of the Imperial coinage in order to oppose the corresponding Imperial propaganda with a “Christian” contrasting analogy. Those who are able to perceive the truth understand that the Roman Augusti do not reign the world, but the figure of the ὅμοιος υἱὸν ἀνθρώπου, – usually – enthroned in heaven, does. The ἑπτὰ ἀστέρες are identified as the angels of the seven churches. These are humans who are ruled and protected by the figure of the ὅμοιος υἱὸν ἀνθρώπου, to whom they are subordinated in the ecclesiological and political hierarchy and to whom they are, at the same time, answerable. They hold responsible positions in their respective city or congregation. The identification of the seven stars as the angels of the seven churches is motivated by the identification, as it was propagated by Hadrianus, of his favourite Antinoos, who drowned in the river of Nile, as a star or as a stellar constellation.

Adrian Wypaldo, "Jakob im Kontext der wettkämpfenden Erzväter: Der Ringkampf Jakobs am Jabbok in der philosophisch-allegorischen Deutung des Philo von Alexandrien," 205-228

This contribution examines the use of sporting or agonistic terminology in an area where it would be less likely to be used, namely within the Torah exegesis of Philo of Alexandria. Despite his tendency to read the biblical text as a call to overcome the material world and to turn to ideal values, which can be grasped especially in the allegorical early work, Philo knows surprisingly well sporty competitions, appreciates them highly and uses the training efforts in sport and competition as blueprint for the practice of a virtuous and/or spiritual life. His interest is intensified among the competing patriarchs Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, whose common characteristic is a particularly intensive preparation for the sacred competitions within the vicissitudes of life. At the top is Jakob, whose wrestling fight at the Jabbok (Gen 32:25-33 LXX) Philo interprets as a virtue fight, which lets the patriarch become the biblical athlete par excellence.

Στο τρέχον τεύχος του Historia / In the current issue of Historia

 Historia 70/1 (2020)

• Panayiotis Christoforou, "‘An Indication of Truly Imperial Manners’: The Roman emperor in Philo’s Legatio ad Gaium," 83-115 (abstract)
• Aitor Blanco Pérez, "Western Asia Minor and its Epigraphic Sources under the Tetrarchy: The End of a Habit?" 116-132 (abstract)

Open edition: Le nouveau testament et les droits de l’Antiquité

Marie-Bernadette Bruguière (éd.), Jean Dauvillier: Le nouveau testament et les droits de l’Antiquité. Études d’histoire du droit et des idées politiques 9. Toulouse:  Presses de l’Université Toulouse, 2021

Στο τρέχον τεύχος του Klio / In the current issue of Klio

 Klio 102/2 (2020)

• Eduard V. Rung, "The Gestures of proskynēsis in the Achaemenid Empire," 405-444 (abstract)
• Michal Marciak, Marcin Sobiech, and Tomasz Pirowski, "Alexander the Great’s Route to Gaugamela and Arbela," 536-559 (abstract)
• Johannes Hackl, "Bemerkungen zur Chronologie der Seleukidenzeit: Die Koregentschaft von Seleukos I. Nikator und Antiochos (I. Soter)," 560-578 (abstract)
• Miran Leydold, "Wann eroberte Mithridates die Provinz Asia?" 579-600 (abstract)
• Piotr Berdowski, "Why Octavian Married Scribonia," 601-616 (abstract)
• Geoffrey S. Sumi, "Nero and Britannicus in the pompa circensis: The Circus Procession as Dynastic Ceremony in the Court of Claudius," 617-664 (abstract)

Στο τρέχον τεύχος του Anatolian Studies / In the current issue of Anatolian Studies

 Anatolian Studies 70 (2020)

Dario Calomino, "Caracalla and the divine: emperor worship and representation in the visual language of Roman Asia Minor," 153-169 (abstract)

Τα πρόσωπα των Ρωμαίων αυτοκρατόρων / The faces of Roman emperors

 Ο Daniel Voshart αξιοποίησε τις πληροφορίες στις αρχαίες πηγές καθώς και τις διάφορες απεικονίσεις των Ρωμαίων αυτοκρατόρων και με τη βοήθεια της ψηφιακής τεχνολογίας προτείνει ρεαλιστικές αποκαταστάσεις των προσώπων τους. Το αποτέλεσμα είναι εντυπωσιακό:

Photoreal Roman Emperor Project

Το τρέχον τεύχος του CBQ / The current issue of CBQ

Catholic Biblical Quarterly 82:3 (2020)

• Penelope Barter, "Reuse and Innovation in Ezekiel 20 and Exodus 31: 12–17," 365-380 (abstract)
• Isaac D. Blois, "Formulas for (Dis)Honorable Installation in Deuteronomy 26:19 and 28:37: The Honorific Implications of Israel’s Covenant (Un)Faithfulness," 381-406 (abstract)
• David K. Bryan, "The Center of Luke’s Temptation Narrative," 407-423 (abstract)
• Christopher W. Skinner, "Narrative Readings of the Religious Authorities in John: A Response to Urban C. von Wahlde," 424-436 (abstract)
• D. Clint Burnett, "Divine Titles for Julio-Claudian Imperials in Corinth," 437-455 (abstract)
• Darian Lockett, "The Use of Leviticus 19 in James and 1 Peter: A Neglected Parallel," 456-472 (abstract)

Στο τρέχον τεύχος του Klio / In the current issue of Klio

Klio 102:1 (2020)

• Stefano G. Caneva, "À propos du début du décret d’Aigai en l’honneur du roi Séleucos I et d’Antiochos I," 36–43 (abstract)
• Victor Parker, "On the Historical Value of 2 Maccabees," 44–70 (abstract)
• Philipp Pilhofer, "Die Geschichte des ‚Rauhen Kilikien‘ unter den Römern," 71–120 (abstract)
• Frederik Juliaan Vervaet, "Subsidia dominationi: The Early Careers of Tiberius Claudius Nero and Nero Claudius Drusus Revisited," 121–201 (abstract)
• Alexander V. Makhlaiuk, "Emperors’ Nicknames and Roman Political Humour," 202–235 (abstract)
• Christopher Schliephake, "Gelehrte, Generäle und Glücksritter auf den Spuren Alexanders des Großen – Antike Rezeptionsgeschichte, Reiseliteratur und die ‚north-west frontier‘ Britisch-Indiens im 19. Jahrhundert," 273–304 (abstract)

Στο τρέχον τεύχος του Hermes / In the current issue of Hermes

Hermes 148:2 (2020)

• Verena Schulz, "Neros Stimme: die Kritik an der kaiserlichen vox/ϕωνη in der griechisch-römischen Literatur," 98-217 (abstract)
• Rocío Gordillo Hervás, "Antinous and the Games of the Koinon of the Achaeans and the Arcadians in Mantinea," 218-231 (abstract)

Στο τρέχον τεύχος του BABESCH / In the current issue of BABESCH

BABESCH 94 (2019)

• Katia Margariti, "Gesturing Emotions: Mourning and Affection on Classical Attic Funerary Reliefs," 65 - 86 (abstract)
• L. Bouke van der Meer, "Pictorial Narratives in Faliscan Red Figure Vase Painting," 87 - 96 (abstract)
• Dimitri van Limbergen, "Vinum picenum and oliva picena II: Further Thoughts on Wine and Oil Presses in Central Adriatic Italy," 97 - 126 (abstract)
• Mary Jane Cuyler, "Legend and Archaeology at Ostia: P. Lucilius Gamala and the Quattro Tempietti," 127 - 146 (abstract)
• Saskia Stevens, "The Emperor and the Plough: (Re)founding the City and Extending the Empire," 147 - 160 (abstract)
• Patrizio Pensabene, "Alba Fucens: Il reimpiego a S. Pietro e le 'normalizzazioni' dell'ordine corinzio in età augustea e nel medioevo," 161 - 182 (abstract)
• Paolo Cimadomo - Luca di Franco - Silvio la Paglia, "Hadrian in Ioudaea: The Celebration of the Emperor Examined throughout the Tel Shalem Bronze Statue," 193 - 210 (abstract)
• Helen I. Ackers, "The Representation of Wigs in Roman Female Portraiture of the Late 2nd to 3rd Century AD," 211 - 234 (abstract)

Στο τρέχον τεύχος του BABESCH / In the current issue of BABESCH

BABESCH 94 (2019)

• Dimitri van Limergen, "Vinum picenum and oliva picena II: Further Thoughts on Wine and Oil Presses in Central Adriatic Italy," 97 - 126 (abstract)
• Mary Jane Cuyler, "Legend and Archaeology at Ostia: P. Lucilius Gamala and the Quattro Tempietti," 127 - 146 (abstract)
• Saskia Stevens,  "The Emperor and the Plough: (Re)founding the City and Extending the Empire," 147 - 160 (abstract)
• Mariella Cipriani, "Il rilievo frammentario con personificazione fluviale e serpente di Palazzo Rondinini a Roma: Una nuova proposta di lettura," 183 - 191 (abstract)
• Paolo Cimadomo / Luca di Franco / Silvio La Paglia, "Hadrian in Ioudaea: The Celebration of the Emperor Examined throughout the Tel Shalem Bronze Statue," 193 - 210 (abstract)
• Helen I. Ackers, "The Representation of Wigs in Roman Female Portraiture of the Late 2nd to 3rd Century AD," 211 - 234 (abstract)

Στο τρέχον τεύχος του ABSA / In the Current Issue of ABSA

Annual of the British School of Athens 114 (2019)

• Kyriakos Savvopoulos, "Popular Divine Imagery in Hellenistic and Roman Alexandria. The Terracotta Figurines Collection of the Patriarchal Sacristy in Alexandria," 317-368 (abstract)
• Antonis Kotsonas, "Politics, Research Agendas and Abortive Fieldwork Plans over Lyktos, Crete: A History of Archaeological Research," 399-443 (abstract)

Στο τρέχον τεύχος του Anatolian Studies / In the current issue of Anatolian Studies

Anatolian Studies 69 (2019)

• Ekin Kozal, "The dualistic nature of a Red Lustrous Wheelmade bowl from Boğazköy with a depiction of a victorious armed warrior," 95-108
• Elspeth R.M. Dusinberre, "The collapse of empire at Gordion in the transition from the Achaemenid to the Hellenistic world," 109-132
• N.P. Milner, "Leader-gods and pro poleos priests: Leto, Apollo, Zeus and the imperial cult at Oinoanda," 133-154
• Hale Güney, "The sanctuary of Zeus Sarnendenos and the cult of Zeus in northeastern Phrygia," 155-174

 

To τρέχον τεύχος του περιοδικού TYCHE / The current issue of TYCHE

Κυκλοφόρησε το τεύχος του περιοδικού TYCHE για το έτος 2018. Φιλοξενεί μελέτες σχετικά με τους παπύρους και τις επιγραφές του ελληνορωμαϊκού κόσμου, αρκετές από τις οποίες παρουσιάζουν ενδιαφέρον για όσους μελετούν το περιβάλλον της Καινής Διαθήκης και των πρώτων χριστιανικών κοινοτήτων:

TYCHE 33 (2018)

Το τρέχον τεύχος του Greece & Rome / The current issue of Greece & Rome

Greece & Rome 66:2 (2019)

• Stefano G. Caneva, "Kings and Elites in an Intercultural Tradition: From Diodorus to the Egyptian Temples," 179-202 (abstract)
• Matthew Adam Cobb - Fiona Mitchell, "Eros at Junnar: Reconsidering a Piece of Mediterranean Art," 203-226 (abstract)
• David F. Driscoll, "Mousikê, Social Standing, and Aesthetic Taste in Quaestiones Convivales 7.5 and 9.15," 227-250 (abstract)
• Nicholas Lindberg, "The Emperor and His Animals: the Acquisition of Exotic Beasts for Imperial Venationes," 251-263 (abstract)
• Marie Widmer, "Translating the Seleucid ΒΑΣΙΛΙΣΣΑ: Notes on the Titulature of Stratonice in the Borsippa Cylinder," 264-279 (abstract)

Στο τρέχον τεύχος του ExpT / In the current issue of ExpT

Expository Times 131:2 (2019)

Michael Gray-Fow, "Rendering unto Caesar: Whose Head on the Coin?" 65–70 (abstract)

Αυτοκρατορική προπαγάνδα και το πορτραίτο του Αυγούστου / Imperial propaganda and Augustus' portrait

Στο αρχείο των New York Times μπορείτε να βρείτε ένα παλαιότερο κείμενο της εφημερίδας σχετικά με τον τρόπο που ο Αύγουστος χρησιμοποίησε το πορτραίτο του ως φορέα διάδοσης των αυτοκρατορικών ιδεών :

Scholar-Detectives Learn How Augustus Idealized His Image